In Lima, a vast metropolis of nearly ten million inhabitants on the edge of the ocean, everything seems normal in this austral autumn. Ceviche restaurants, these raw fish dishes marinated in citrus juice, which make Peru’s gastronomic reputation, are filled with local and foreign customers. Car traffic flows chaotically along the city’s main arteries. On the seafront, at the end of the day, Limenians flock to see the sun set in the glowing waters of the Pacific. At first glance, it is difficult to detect a large-scale political crisis in this Andean country of nearly 34 million inhabitants.
However, you only need to scratch a little to find the traces. “Dina, get out!” (Largate, Dina!). Inscribed on a wall in the wealthy district of Miraflores, although little known for its anti-establishment nature, these words clearly express the exasperation of a large part of society with regard to interim president, Dina Boluarte. The reason ? An undeclared collection of seventeen high-end watches, including a Rolex estimated at $19,000. Revealed by Peruvian investigative media La Encerrona, this affair is going badly in a country where socio-economic inequalities are particularly marked. But, more than indignation, it is a certain weariness that is felt. Inés, a cleaning lady in her forties living in a working-class district of the capital, San Juan de Lurigancho, states her grievances in a tone that reveals disillusionment: “Politicians lie and steal from us all the time. First they announce change and the fight against corruption, then they do the exact opposite. I don’t even watch the news anymore.”
Peru in regime crisis
An iron fist, but a weakened position
THE Rolexgate resulted in Dina Boluarte being searched several times, including one at her home. An investigation into illicit enrichment was opened, further weakening its already highly contested position. Six ministers, including that of the Interior, resigned from the government. We are surprised to note that, in the historic center of Lima, seat of government institutions and usual epicenter of social movements, no large-scale demonstration has shaken the streets since the affair broke out on March 19. Undoubtedly, the memory of the bloody repressions following the dismissal of the previous head of state, Pedro Castillo (left), for the benefit of his vice-president, is still vivid and cools the ardor. Having become caliph in place of the caliph in December 2022, Dina Boluarte repressed the demonstrations with an iron fist, leaving around sixty dead and more than a thousand injured.
If the street remains discreet for the moment, opinion surveys reveal the abysmal gap between the current tenant of the House of Pizarro and the Peruvian population. Boluarte’s popularity rating stands at a historically low level in the country’s contemporary history, only 7%. Protected by her presidential immunity, Dina Boluarte, however, has no intention of resigning. “She is very afraid of being indicted if she resigns. Boluarte is also convinced of being the victim of a political cabal, and of being on the side of good.”explains Bruce Barnaby, professor of international law and human rights at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru (PUCP).
As the rope keeps the hanged man, Dina Boluarte’s retention in power is only possible through the support of the Congress of the Republic, largely controlled by the right-wing Popular Force party of Keiko Fujimori, an unsuccessful candidate three times for the presidency. presidential election and daughter of the former authoritarian president Alberto Fujimori, in power between 1990 and 2000. Imprisoned since 2007 for crimes against humanity, the latter was released in December 2023 following a controversial decision by the Constitutional Court, supported by President Boluarte herself. In the Rolex affair, Congress rejected an impeachment motion presented by various opposition parties, from the left and the center against the president. Bruce Barnaby explains this opportunistic alliance between a politician from the radical left and a Parliament dominated by the populist right: “Dina Boluarte has no real power, she is above all useful to those who hold the parliamentary majority, who can push through their reforms while the eye of the storm remains fixed on the head of state. But, as soon as they get what they want, they will abandon her.”
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A system plagued by corruption
Beyond the personal case of Dina Boluarte, the entire political system in Peru is corrupted, explains Bruce Barnaby: “The weakness of political parties allows legal and illegal power groups (big businesses and mafia groups) to preempt them to engage in money laundering activities. This goes hand in hand with a strategy of infiltrating institutions, particularly judicial ones, the appointment of complicit personalities to key positions and the destruction of the balance of power. All this generates permanent instability and a weakening of the legitimacy of the executive power, which no longer serves as a hatch. ”
As such, the president’s Rolexes are the flashy symptom of a deeply sick democracy. But the anger of the people could soon awaken. On May 1, a large march was called in Lima by social organizations from different regions of the country, demanding justice for the victims of the 2022-2023 repressions, the dissolution of Congress and the resignation of Dina Boluarte.
