Our institutions and the media ecosystem are no longer able to translate, prioritize and align the aspirations of the French. “Libé” asked essayists or activists from the trade union, associative and university worlds to give us their proposals for “deverticalizing” power.
A government without a majority, a president ignoring the voices of citizens when he consults them, a tripolarized National Assembly… Our institutions and the media ecosystem are no longer able to translate, prioritize and bring coherence to the aspirations of the French. Liberation decided to review ideas to fix it. Find the proposals of our 18 contributors in our special report.
A government without a majority, led by an honorable (73 years old) representative of a party which lost the last elections, a President of the Republic incapable of recognizing the slightest fault (dissolution for example), who reinvents the list of grievances after the yellow vest movement, citizens' conventions, then the National Council for Refoundation (CNR), without taking much into account the results of these initiatives, a National Assembly divided into three incompatible political groups, walled in a culture of confrontation, unions forgotten by the executive, an elusive tiktoker extreme right, a largely bollorized media ecosystem which promotes polarization fueled from the outside by illiberal engineers of chaos, a left which sometimes confuses radicalism and excess and struggles to make the question ecological attractive, a press subject to the finances of rich industrialists who are increasingly interventionist…
The democratic picture of France is frightening. But there is no question of giving up. In a survey published on November 12, the Ipsos institute details the concern of the French who believe that our democracy is dysfunctional, but however the majority do not wish to give in to the extremes. Liberation decided to review ideas to fix it. Eighteen personalities from the world of trade unions, associations, universities, essayists and activists give us their ideas for “deverticalizing” power, giving the population the means to take back control of their collective destiny. The crisis of representation results in the fact that – an observation that has been all too obvious for so many years – the French believe that they are not heard by politicians. But to be satisfied with this accusatory observation would be too simple. Our institutions, like the media ecosystem, are no longer able to translate, classify, prioritize and cohere the aspirations, anger and hopes of the French.
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Our institutional ensemble, the intermediary bodies, the political and media mechanisms which govern the great national conversation in a context of generalized disaffiliation, of growing indefinition of political divisions, no longer make it possible to identify a legible popular will or to bring together accepted solutions. by a majority of French people. When we examine opinion surveys, it seems that the French have contradictory aspirations. This is undoubtedly why what emerges from all the contributions provided to Libé by the personalities we have contacted most often revolves around the ways and means of involving as many people as possible in the development of political and social solutions to the political crisis.
The French between reasons of anxiety and resentment
The French have the feeling that inequalities are increasing, and more of them feel they are experiencing them themselves. Always distrustful of institutions and political personnel considered disconnected from reality, they nevertheless remain overwhelmingly attached to personal commitment, particularly associations, fervent supporters of democracy even if a growing share, 24% (especially among young people), believe that 'centralized and authoritarian power would be the solution to combat inequalities. Since Covid-19, this is what the annual report on the state of France (Raef) notes. The French are mostly satisfied and optimistic about their personal situation, but pessimistic for the national or global collective.
Note that among the reasons for concern and anxiety among French people surveyed by the Ipsos institute for the Economic, Social and Environmental Council (Cese), security (seventh place) and immigration (ninth place) come far behind the health, in the lead for the first time, financial concerns (both personal and those of the country), inequalities, the environment and the political situation of the country. A striking aspect of the report recalls a trend very present in American opinion during the presidential campaign: the entrenchment of male unease which slows down progress towards gender equality. It is indeed the 2024 report and not that of 1954 which notes sexism “incredibly significant”: “70% of men believe that a man must have financial responsibility for his family while 25% of 25-34 year olds think that it is sometimes necessary to be violent to be respected.”
But arguably the most frightening figure from Raef 2024 is this: 24% of French people do not feel like they are truly part of French society. The feeling of territorial isolation, the distance from public services, the impression of being overwhelmed by the sequence of events of anxiety-provoking and overwhelming news under the weight of continuous news and social networks? The Raef makes some recommendations which match those of the 20 personalities requested by Liberation to try to put an end to the prevailing depression and distrust towards institutions and those who embody them: “It seems essential to involve citizens more strongly in even the most technical decisions.” 23% of respondents would like “better listening to citizens and their concerns”. And the report concludes: “If there are already consultative mechanisms involving citizens, today we need to provide ourselves with the means to move towards co-construction on a greater number of subjects.” The proposals collected by Liberation provide some clues.
