Former prefect Patrick Stefanini was appointed special representative of Bruno Retailleau on immigration. “This appointment is part of a firm desire of the Minister of the Interior to fight for better control of migratory flows and to strengthen the security of the French,” explained the ministry in a press release. The former campaign director of François Fillon and Valérie Pécresse speaks to Paris Match and reveals his roadmap.
Paris Match. What does Bruno Retailleau entrust to you as special representative of the Minister of the Interior?
Patrick Stefanini. This mission letter is part of what I would call a reconquest of France's sovereignty in matters of migration policy. Since he has been at the Ministry of the Interior, Bruno Retailleau has made the migration issue an absolute priority. It's been a long time since that happened. We can go back to Nicolas Sarkozy and Brice Hortefeux. My mission specifically focuses on two aspects: on the one hand, the readmission of people in an irregular situation and, on the other hand, the prevention of departures.
More than 90% of actual readmissions are done with countries with which France has signed agreements. Today, the main application difficulties relate to the identification of illegal immigrants. An individual arrested in France may provide a false identity or claim to belong to another nationality. Some people have even accumulated dozens of different identities. This explains part of the difficulties encountered, particularly with the Maghreb countries.
What concrete solutions can be considered today to simplify identification?
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The first solution consists of developing biometric files and generalizing fingerprinting or other means of identification. This will be one of the contributions of the “filtering” regulation adopted within the framework of the European pact. But this assumes that the countries of origin also have such bases.
What are the main objectives of your mission?
It has two main components: extending and strengthening readmission agreements: this means negotiating new agreements or improving existing ones to make them more operational. For example, certain agreements must be updated or supplemented by new clauses, such as those concerning third-country nationals in accordance with the provisions of the Chicago Convention. When a person in an irregular situation transits through a country before arriving in France, we must be able to expel him or her to that country if returning to the country of origin is impossible because that country is at war or the country is at war. The foreigner runs a risk for his life. Bruno Retailleau, for example, signed an agreement with Kazakhstan so that this country can take back illegal immigrants who have passed through its territory. We must also improve cooperation with the United Kingdom: this involves our involvement in the Franco-British “Upstream” working group, which aims to prevent departures from countries of origin. This involves intervening in countries of origin to dissuade migrants from ending up in Calais. This could include development programs, information campaigns or even strengthening controls.
The priority is to establish a dialogue and propose more precise and more operational agreements
Which countries are the priority targets for this mission?
In addition to the traditional countries with which agreements must be updated, the mission letter identifies four priority geographic areas: Central Asia, the Near and Middle East, the Horn of Africa, with countries such as Somalia, and southern Africa. New countries, which had not been identified before, are now departure points for foreign people. This is how not only Comorians arrive in Mayotte, but also nationals of southern African countries with which we do not have an agreement.
How do you plan to manage the reluctance of certain countries to cooperate or apply readmission agreements?
At this stage, there is no question of immediate sanctions. The priority is to establish a dialogue and propose more precise and more operational agreements. However, the Darmanin law introduces the possibility of reducing or suspending visas for nationals of countries which refuse to cooperate on readmissions. This option remains on the table, even if it is not systematic and its use can be targeted.
Do you have quantified objectives as part of this mission?
At this stage, the mission letter I received does not set precise numerical objectives. That said, it is obvious that the government wants concrete results, in particular an increase in the rate of execution of Obligations to Leave French Territory (OQTF). Today this rate is still too low, even if the Darmanin law and the planned construction of new detention places have enabled progress.
Do you think that the Le Touquet agreements could be called into question in this context?
No, this is not provided for in the mission letter. The Le Touquet agreements concern the control of regular connections: denouncing them would complicate these controls without resolving the problems of irregular crossings of the channel. My mission focuses exclusively on the management of migratory flows and readmission and channels.
Why do you think you were chosen for this mission?
Probably because of my experience on these topics. I have worked on migration issues several times in my career, notably as Secretary General of the Ministry of Immigration. I have also been involved in negotiating numerous readmission agreements in the past. My mixed profile, both administrative and political, corresponds well to the nature of this mission.
Do you think this mission can really change things? Is there not an inevitability linked to illegal immigration?
Absolutely not. What is at stake is France's ability to regain part of its sovereignty in migration matters. This requires concrete agreements, legislative reforms and actions on the ground. Nothing is fatal. Recent history shows that countries like Greece, after being overwhelmed in 2015, managed to regain control of their borders thanks to effective measures – notably reception and asylum processing centers on the island of Lesbos. But we must be aware that each European State is accountable for controlling its external border for itself but also for the other members. And the fight against illegal immigration is a battle that always begins again.
How do you perceive the results obtained by Giorgia Meloni in Italy which has reduced illegal immigration?
Giorgia Meloni draws inspiration from methods already implemented by other European countries, such as Spain or even France from 2004 or 2007. For example, Spain had signed agreements with Mauritania or Senegal to limit arrivals in 2004.
However, I remain cautious on certain aspects. Completely outsourcing the management of migratory flows to third countries, as it does with Tunisia or Albania, raises questions of sovereignty and can expose one's country to financial or migratory blackmail. Controlling the external and particularly maritime borders of the European Union is an arduous task. It of course requires cooperation with the transit countries from which Mediterranean crossings depart, but this does not replace real control of external borders.
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