‘Conner Rousseau showed no respect for the Flemish Prime Minister’

In his September statement, new Flemish Prime Minister Matthias Diependaele (N-VA) promised a ‘warm and prosperous’ Flanders. But can the N-VA member keep the mothers-in-law away for the next five years?

‘More prosperity, more well-being, more Flanders.’ With a September Declaration at the last minute, newly appointed Prime Minister Matthias Diependaele launched his new Flemish government. In a brave speech, the N-VA member emphasized the ‘historic investments’ in, among other things, welfare, the ‘austere administrative culture’ and the Flemish identity.

The pressure on Diependaele is high. The East Flemish is already the third N-VA member in a row to hold the position of Prime Minister. After the end of the policy periods of his predecessors Geert Bourgeois and Jan Jambon, the analysis was made both within and outside the party that the leaders of Flanders were not sufficiently enthusiastic. Diependaele, more Bourgeois than Jambon in style and character, knows what to do.

For the first time in ten years, the composition of the Flemish government is different. With the return of the Vooruit socialists, the government looks more social. Although this is not a surprising new project. That is not illogical, because two of the three parties are the same as in the Jambon government. This is also evident from the coalition agreement, where formulations such as ‘we continue to focus on’ and ‘further development’ are commonplace.

Ugly ideas

However, it would be an understatement to speak only of minor social corrections. The shifts within the budget are too significant for that. Diependaele spoke on Monday of an ‘investment government’. In addition to the extra money for education and De Lijn, more than 1.1 billion euros extra will go to Welfare. This also includes 200 million euros more for childcare. But can only Vooruit put that feather in her cap? The CD&V also pushed the accelerator for more money. And the N-VA realized that such a policy is widely felt among Flemish people, including the voters of the Vlaams Belang, the winners of June 9. The emphasis on mastering Dutch and pursuing work is also central.

Yet the Diependaele government started on a false note. Conner Rousseau’s words about ‘mask‘ Annick De Ridder and the N-VA’s ‘ugly ideas’ leaked out. Moreover, the Vooruit chairman stole almost all media attention. At times it looked more like the Flemish Rousseau government than the Diependaele government.

‘A woman like Annick De Ridder probably doesn’t mind being called “maske” every now and then’

According to a top negotiator, Rousseau violated internal agreements with his interviews. In the coalition they are already committed to the next five years. Just like the MR in Vivaldi, Vooruit is in an uncomfortable constellation. By occupying the site he wants to prove that he has influence on the government. According to one celebrity, Conner Rousseau behaves like the Flemish Georges-Louis Bouchez. ‘He showed no respect for the Flemish Prime Minister.’

That promises. In the Jambon government, the profiling of CD&V chairman Sammy Mahdi, for example about child benefits, already caused frustration among the N-VA. Can the new Flemish government tolerate so many mothers-in-law?

Embarrassment

Rousseau can look back on a successful portfolio allocation. Caroline Gennez has important powers with Welfare, Poverty and Equal Opportunities. Moreover, she stole Culture from the N-VA, a symbolically important domain for the Flemish nationalists.

With Melissa Depraetere on Housing and Energy, the party can weigh in on policy areas that it is strongly committed to. As deputy prime minister, neophyte Depraetere, a confidante of the party chairman, is Rousseau’s eyes and ears in the most important group of ministers.

Vooruit did ignore Education. But with the arrival of Zuhal Demir (N-VA), the Flemish socialists have seen their second favorite scenario come true: no more Ben Weyts. The Flemish Brabander moves to Budget and Finance, but stays vice.

Less attractive from Vooruit is the delay in the designation of the Flemish President of Parliament. On Monday, Rousseau – he again – said that Liesbeth Homans (N-VA) can stay in office until early 2025. In their own words, to ensure continuity. However, it seems that Rousseau is waiting for the local elections. The Flemish Member of Parliament who is left out locally can then be recruited to become the ‘first citizen of Flanders’. Opposition parties Vlaams Belang and Open VLD speak of a ‘disgrace’ for Homans. She herself didn’t mind it.

In any case, the N-VA is also satisfied with its five ministers out of a total of nine excellencies. “Well negotiated,” said chairman Bart De Wever. The CD&V will have to get used to being the smallest party in the coalition. By letting Jo Brouns manage both Environment and Agriculture, she has achieved a famous achievement. The rows between the Flemish government and the Farmers’ Union, which Minister Demir made her trademark, are a thing of the past.

Despite the first false notes, the parties can approach the municipal elections in good spirits. Then we look forward to the probable completion of the federal Arizona government. It is not without reason that the Flemish coalition agreement often looks at actions by the federal government, for example regarding the elimination of the job bonus. Only when that team is on the platform will it become clear to what extent the new Flemish triangle between N-VA, Vooruit and CD&V can transform the country.

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