What if the French political class took inspiration from Poland to emerge from the crisis?

What if the French political class took inspiration from Poland to emerge from the crisis?
What
      if
      the
      French
      political
      class
      took
      inspiration
      from
      Poland
      to
      emerge
      from
      the
      crisis?

FIGAROVOX/TRIBUNE – After the Polish parliamentary elections of October 15, marked by the defeat of the conservatives, the opposition parties got into battle formation to govern, which led to the return of Donald Tusk to power, explains Adam Hsakou, a specialist in Poland.

Coordinator of the Risk and Strategy program, German Marshall Fund of the United States, Adam Hsakou is a specialist in Poland. He was a journalist in this country (Le Figaro, La Libre Belgique).


Just a few months ago, one of the largest countries in the European Union, Poland, confirmed the start of a new political chapter. As will France in the coming days.

The Polish legislative elections of October 15 marked the twilight of eight years of national conservatism led by the Law and Justice party (PiS). The far-right party had come out on top in the poll, but due to a lack of allies, its 193 seats out of a possible 460 constituted a lead synonymous with a very relative majority. Guided by partisan logic, President Andrzej Duda, affiliated with the PiS, nevertheless entrusted the country’s leading political party with the formation of a government. Mission impossible for outgoing Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, who unsurprisingly suffered the censure of the Diet on December 11, after five weeks of fruitless parliamentary negotiations. In France, the nomination of Lucie Castets by Emmanuel Macron could be justified: a large number of voters went to the polls to support the NFP, thus expressing their desire for a break. But if she fails to generate a consensus that transcends political divisions, the fate reserved for her by the deputies of the National Assembly would be just as severe as that experienced by Mateusz Morawiecki. There is no doubt that such a setback for Lucie Castets would have educational virtues. It would help the Élysée to justify to the French people the need to appoint a unifying prime minister. Nevertheless, this institutional dynamic would have been costly in time. A precious resource that France cannot afford to waste.

This fall, while the powerless Moriawiecki was trying in vain to build a coalition, the Polish opposition parties got into battle formation and duly prepared to govern. Their common will to reform the country overcame the ideological differences between liberals, agrarians, and socialists, which were nevertheless notable on economic and social issues. Polish politicians put themselves at the service of history, and in tune with their public opinion. Now, it is the turn of the French bigwigs of the main political families to rise to the unprecedented situation the country is experiencing.

As for the slowness of the consultations conducted by President Emmanuel Macron, it is reminiscent of the equally languid one of Polish President Andrzej Duda, who waited until the deadline of December 13 to finally hand over the reins to his political rival Donald Tusk. A management of the calendar that will have allowed the PiS to maintain control over the institutions for a few more weeks. President Macron must break the impasse by accepting the game of parliamentarism, something that his Polish counterpart has long refused to do, wrongly.

France must now bring out its national Donald Tusk.

Adam Hsakou

While in France, the names of Bernard Cazeneuve or Xavier Bertrand are circulating to emerge from the political crisis, everything suggests that a profile combining experience of public service and a sense of consensus will be necessary to form a reasonable government, at the crossroads of the traditional parties of the republican arc.

In Warsaw, a well-known figure has come to power. Former President of the European Council Donald Tusk is a dinosaur of national politics, having already served as Prime Minister from 2007 to 2014. Despite his detractors, this “political animal” has managed to rise up in fateful moments. In 2023, he shone with his ability to unite a largely heterogeneous camp around reforms that go beyond the particular interests of rigid political apparatuses: the return of a proactive Poland to the European and international arena, the restoration of the rule of law, the depoliticization of public media, and the increase in salaries in public education.

France must now bring out its national Donald Tusk. Regardless of the nature of his career or the colour of his label, he must be able to lead a plural coalition to act on the country’s priority projects in terms of purchasing power, employment, health, security, immigration and ecology.

Certainly, after 250 days in office, Donald Tusk’s government is experiencing difficulties. Some of its promises have not yet been kept. But despite a stormy cohabitation with President Duda, it has managed to advance on the crucial points it had announced.

Perhaps the Polish recipe can provide food for thought at the Élysée and among the decision-makers of the major political parties. France deserves it, Europe is watching it.

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