If the political paths of the two men subsequently separated, Bamba Ndiaye nonetheless claims the political heritage of his mentor, whom he recognizes having truly shaped his political trajectory. Bamba Ndiaye says he would not blame anyone for being inspired by President Mamadou Dia’s sovereignist vision. It will not be a question of contemplation of the work of his guide, but rather an invitation to the current regime to take charge of the positive ideas of President Mamadou Dia.
The Witness: As a companion of President Dia, how are you going to give “exculpatory” testimony for the events of December 62?
Indeed, I had the advantage of accompanying President Mamadou Dia in his political activities for more than 15 years from 1983. Even if political vicissitudes ended up separating us, I am very proud of this companionship. He contributed a lot, and positively, to my training as a young man in his thirties who had the chance to think and act with the true father of our independence. We found ourselves in opposition to the regime of Abdou Diouf, during the struggles for a democratic change leading to the great victory of March 19, 2000.
Before meeting him and becoming attached to him, I had already had a political career of around ten years in the Senegalese left. It was with full political conscience that I chose to accompany him, even if I was closer socially to Professor Cheikh Anta Diop. Now, to come directly to your question, it seems to me that the crisis of December 1962 was a real departure from the track for the newly independent Senegal.
Dia’s power wanted to transform the formal independence granted by General De Gaulle’s France into true political and economic sovereignty. And he was on the way to succeeding, particularly in the field of agriculture. This is why he was fought and eliminated.
Eliminate, the word is not too much for a defense testimony! As proof, as soon as the political elimination of President Dia, Senegal joined the circle of French neo-colonies as the Parisian authorities wanted. Dia’s major projects such as those concerning the CFA Franc or the military bases have been placed under
per bushel for almost 40 years.
Very few people dared to raise these questions which were the cause of our generation’s commitment to the ranks of the left. So the negative impact of this ousting of Mamadou Dia has deviated the trajectory of all of West Africa.
Some believe that President Dia is resurrected by the sovereignism embodied by the current regime. What reading do you make of this debate?
This is a debate that I follow very carefully. You know, if this regime or another seeks to find the path traced by Mamadou Dia, it is certainly not Bamba Ndiaye who will blame them. Quite the contrary. It is not a question of contemplating the past but of drawing inspiration from the great positive lessons and rich teachings of its action.
These lessons relate first, in my opinion, to the style of governance. Dia wanted to serve his country and not enrich himself. Moreover, he left power after 15 years in office without even owning a house. In his action as head of state, he wanted to put forward the vital interests of our African populations, without ever bowing his head to the powers of this world. He knew how to make everyone respect him, including General De Gaulle. Regarding the other aspect of your question, let’s see, as the other said.
What do you think of the reopening of Mamadou Dia’s trial? Objectively, are there new elements that contribute to this general demand?
A very good and timely question! But I prefer to stick to the last position expressed by Mamadou Dia during his lifetime. In fact, he had made it known that the Senegalese people had already rehabilitated him. And that he did not need a possible trial aimed at rehabilitating him.
Now, can this position of the principal concerned tie the hands of Lady Justice or silence new generations? It’s not for me to say. But that doesn’t stop me from thinking that Dia was perfectly right to feel rehabilitated by history and by the people.
For many years, many people did not even dare to mention his name, except to insult him. Things began to change in the 1970s, when young people became interested in this then little-known part of our history. One of the great moments of this rehabilitation was the pre-symposium which was organized on his work in 1996 and for which I had the honor of coordinating the preparatory committee.
On this occasion, our greatest teachers, such as the philosopher Djibril Samb, the economist Makhtar Diouf or the historian Mamadou Diouf, had dissected his work, both political and intellectual, and concluded that it should and could constitute a source of inspiration. to build a better future for our countries. The Proceedings of this pre-symposium were published in book form. Let us hope that one day the International Symposium on his work which was envisaged at the time will be organized.
Ousmane Camara in a publication as Prosecutor at the 1962 trial had publicly rehabilitated President Dia, is that not enough?
It seems to me that political and intellectual rehabilitation has a greater scope than judicial rehabilitation. However, the positions taken by President Ousmane Camara have great significance. Already, during the 1963 trial, he had been very nuanced in his arguments.
It must be said that the main protagonists of this crisis such as General Jean-Alfred Diallo, President Magatte Lo and many others were keen to clear Mamadou Dia of the accusations of a coup d’état brought against him. Some even later became his personal friends.
At one point, you were the political heir of President Dia through the MSU. Why did you distance yourself from the man? Is Bamba Ndiaye still claiming his political heritage?
It must simply be said that the rejuvenation of the MSU, which was decided on the initiative of President Dia in 1996, did not yield the hoped-for results. Being elected General Coordinator of the MSU, I took my responsibilities at crucial moments for our country. What I can deplore is the lack of communication which allowed certain actors to succeed in dividing us.
But I don’t regret the battles I fought in those moments. Perhaps one day I will be able to look back on this period in detail. I should also clarify that this was not a breakdown in our personal relationships. I can reveal to you for example that, when I became a deputy in 2001, President Dia organized a prayer session at his home for my benefit.
A few years later, I went to visit him and I must say that we parted as good Muslims, as we should. Of course, I claim my part in the political legacy of President Dia. That’s what I’ve always said. He was the First Mawdo of the MSU and your colleagues at the time nicknamed me the Second Mawdo. It’s a past that I cannot deny but that I carry with pride. I am not his only political heir of course but, once again, I claim and carry my part of the heritage
What remains of President Dia’s political legacy?
During his 1963 trial, one of his lawyers said this: “the names of Socrates’ judges have been forgotten but the name of Socrates has remained in history.” More than 60 years later, we can say the same thing about Mamadou DIA. In recent days, he has made the headlines in the national press.
The administrative building from which he was expelled bears his name following a decision by President Macky Sall. President Wade had initiated a review of his trial. Perhaps the current power will also carry out symbolic acts such as, for example, the rehabilitation of General Amadou Fall, first chief of staff of our National Army, which Dia strongly desired.
Mamadou Dia is better known and more celebrated today than during his lifetime. I can attest to that. His ideas have never been more discussed than now. Let us only hope that everyone will be able to draw useful and profitable inspiration from it, to the great benefit of our people.
Produced by The Witness
Related News :